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美国民众抗议此起彼伏 四位前总统忧心忡忡

来源:中美印象   作者:斯韧      2020-06-07
针对美国最近因种族歧视引发的抗议,美国前总统卡特6月3日发表声明,他说:

“我们需要为我们自己和我们的子子孙孙创建一个和平与平等的世界负责。我们需要一个跟它的人民一样好的政府,我们可以比现在做得更好。”

在美国四位前总统里,克林顿是第一个就弗洛伊德的不幸死亡发表声明的。


“没有人应该像乔治·弗洛伊德这样死去。事实是,在美国,如果你是白人,你就不会这样死去。这个事实正是很多人感到痛苦和愤怒的潜在原因——一个人生活的轨迹可以因为一个人的肤色被测量和贬值。57年前,马丁·路德·金博士梦想“他的四个小孩的价值不是被他们皮肤的颜色而是被他们性格的内涵所决定”。今天,那个梦想变得更加遥远,如果我们继续接受有色人种不是完全的人这个默认的观点,那个梦想就永远不会成真。”


奥巴马于6月1也就此事发表声明。

眼下的抗议是启动可以带来真正变革的最佳时机。“底线是这样的:如果我们要启动真正的变革,我们不能在抗议和政治二者之间做出选择,我们必须双管齐下。我们必须动员和提高觉悟,我们也必须组织和投票,保证那些承诺改革的候选人当选。”

小布什总统6月2日发表声明说:

“很多人对我们的司法制度疑心重重,这并非没有道理。太多的黑人的权利被侵犯,而美国的机构没有对此做出迅速和充分的回应。”他还说,“持久的正义只能通过和平方式取得,抢劫不是解放,毁灭不是进步。”

前总统们只能表明态度,不能决定政策。

6月1日,特朗普在白宫就全国局势发表讲话:

“所有美国人都理所当然地对乔治·弗洛伊德的惨死感到惊骇和愤怒。我的政府完全致力于(为他伸张)正义以及他的家人,正义会到来。他不会白死。我们不能允许和平抗议者的正义呼喊被愤怒的暴徒淹没。骚乱的最大受害者是我们最贫穷社区中那些热爱和平的公民。作为他们的总统,我将努力保证他们的安全。我将为保护你们而战。”

特朗普在讲话中明确表明,如果美国各州州长不愿动用国防卫队执法,他会调动美国正规军平暴(美国媒体今天报道说目前已有一万多部队官兵在首都华盛顿周围的几个军事基地待命)。周二,美国国防部国防科学委员会成员米勒(James Miller)因特朗普的演讲和国防部长陪同总统去教堂而愤然辞职。周三,国防部长埃斯珀在五角大楼说,他不认为现在是动用部队平暴的时候。埃斯珀的前任马蒂斯更直接批评特朗普滥用职权和分裂国家。他说,特朗普是我所知道得总统里“第一个不去团结美国人民的总统,他甚至不屑假装去团结。相反,他在分裂我们。”不少观察家认为,埃斯珀在五角大楼掌权的日子已经屈指可数了。

如果说“抗疫”让拜登赋闲在家,“抗议”又让他重见天日。6月2日,拜登在费城市政厅发表演讲,公开批评特朗普煽动暴力。他说:

“特朗普把这个国家变成了被旧仇和新恨所裹挟的战场。难道我们就是这样的吗?难道我们想成为这样的人吗?难道这就是我们要留给我们的儿女和子子孙孙的东西吗?恐惧、愤怒、迁怒于人,而不是追求幸福?无能和焦虑自,我欣赏和自私自利?”

弗洛伊德之死及其引发的大规模社会抗争是美国又一次旨在改革的社会运动的开始,还是另一次政治大戏的周而复始?居住在亚特兰大的独立撰稿人杨大巍说,“1968年,4月马丁·路德·金遇刺,种族骚乱波及美国100多个城市。6月罗伯特·肯尼迪(肯尼迪总统的弟弟)遇刺。8月民主党大会期间芝加哥更是成了全美抗议的中心。还有‘香港流感’大流行,导致近10万美国人死亡。在当年的总统选举中,哈姆弗雷(Hubert Humphrey)和尼克松之间的竞争极具分裂性。最后尼克松靠高举‘法律和秩序’的大旗大获全胜。1968年是美国的噩梦: 死亡、毁灭和疾病。2020年的美国,似乎正进入轮迴。”

在中国大陆社交媒体粉丝极多的兔主席认为,“美国近期黑人种族矛盾越严重,社会撕裂及基于种族的党争越尖锐,Trump也会越关注中国问题(包括香港问题)。白宫已经丢下最后的虚伪,正在把自己转化为全球最大的流氓国家,北京也要尽可能做最坏的打算,不要因为Trump的无下限而感到吃惊。”特朗普总统决定禁止中国的航班飞往美国似乎验证了兔主席的判断。


附:四位总统声明原文:



美国前总统卡特:我们需要一个跟它的人民一样好的政府

罗莎琳和我为最近几个星期的悲惨的种族不公及其由它们引发的全国性的抗议感到痛苦。我们的心与牺牲者的家庭同在,与所有那些在无处不在的种族歧视和令人发指的残暴面前感到束手无策的人们同在。我们所有人必须关注种族歧视的不道德,但是暴力,无论是自发的还是挑动的,都不是解决问题的办法。

作为南方的一个白人男性,我太知道种族隔离和不公给美籍非裔人带来的影响。作为从政人,我有责任把平等带入我的州和我们的国家。1971年,我在就任佐治亚州州长的演说里说, “种族隔离的时代已经一去不复返了。”今天,50年之后,我只能满怀痛苦和失望重复这句话。把人不当人使我们所有人都缺乏人性。人类本身就是由美丽和几乎决然不同的人种组成的。我们共同的人性纽带必须克服因恐惧和偏见造成的分裂。

自从1981年离开白宫以后,罗莎琳和我一直为在世界各国推进人权而努力。在这一奋斗之中,我们看到沉默有时候比暴力更致命。有权力、特权和良心的人们必须挺身而出,对被种族歧视所侵蚀的警察和司法制度、不道德的白人和黑人之间的经济分配不均和破坏我们团结一致的民主的政府行为说“不”。我们需要为我们自己和我们的子子孙孙创建一个和平与平等的世界负责。

我们需要一个跟它的人民一样好的政府,我们可以比现在做得更好。

Statement from President Bill Clinton on the death of George Floyd

In the days since George Floyd’s death, it is impossible not to feel grief for his family—and anger, revulsion, and frustration that his death is the latest in a long line of tragedy and injustice, and a painful reminder that a person’s race still determines how they will be treated in nearly every aspect of American life.

No one deserves to die the way George Floyd did.  And the truth is, if you’re white in America, the chances are you won’t.  That truth is what underlies the pain and the anger that so many are feeling and expressing—that the path of an entire life can be measured and devalued by the color of one’s skin.  Fifty-seven years ago, Dr. King dreamed of a day when his “four little children would be judged not by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.”  Today, that dream seems even more out of reach, and we’ll never reach it if we keep treating people of color with the unspoken assumption that they’re less human.

We need to see each other as equally deserving of life, liberty, respect, dignity, and the presumption of innocence.  We need to ask ourselves and each other hard questions, and listen carefully to the answers.

Here’s where I’d start.

If George Floyd had been white, handcuffed, and lying on the ground, would he be alive today?

Why does this keep happening?

What can we do to ensure that every community has the police department it needs and deserves? 

What can I do?

We can’t honestly answer these questions in the divide and conquer, us vs. them, shift the blame and shirk the responsibility world we’re living in.  People with power should go first—answer the questions, expand who’s “us” and shrink who’s “them,” accept some blame, and assume more responsibility. But the rest of us have to answer these questions too. 

It’s the least we can do for George Floyd’s family, and the families of all other Americans who have been judged by the color of their skin rather than by the content of their character.  The future of the country depends on it. 

How to Make this Moment the Turning Point for Real Change
Barack Obama

June 1, 2020


As millions of people across the country take to the streets and raise their voices in response to the killing of George Floyd and the ongoing problem of unequal justice, many people have reached out asking how we can sustain momentum to bring about real change.

Ultimately, it’s going to be up to a new generation of activists to shape strategies that best fit the times. But I believe there are some basic lessons to draw from past efforts that are worth remembering.

First, the waves of protests across the country represent a genuine and legitimate frustration over a decades-long failure to reform police practices and the broader criminal justice system in the United States. The overwhelming majority of participants have been peaceful, courageous, responsible, and inspiring. They deserve our respect and support, not condemnation — something that police in cities like Camden and Flint have commendably understood.

On the other hand, the small minority of folks who’ve resorted to violence in various forms, whether out of genuine anger or mere opportunism, are putting innocent people at risk, compounding the destruction of neighborhoods that are often already short on services and investment and detracting from the larger cause. I saw an elderly black woman being interviewed today in tears because the only grocery store in her neighborhood had been trashed. If history is any guide, that store may take years to come back. So let’s not excuse violence, or rationalize it, or participate in it. If we want our criminal justice system, and American society at large, to operate on a higher ethical code, then we have to model that code ourselves.

Second, I’ve heard some suggest that the recurrent problem of racial bias in our criminal justice system proves that only protests and direct action can bring about change, and that voting and participation in electoral politics is a waste of time. I couldn’t disagree more. The point of protest is to raise public awareness, to put a spotlight on injustice, and to make the powers that be uncomfortable; in fact, throughout American history, it’s often only been in response to protests and civil disobedience that the political system has even paid attention to marginalized communities. But eventually, aspirations have to be translated into specific laws and institutional practices — and in a democracy, that only happens when we elect government officials who are responsive to our demands.

Moreover, it’s important for us to understand which levels of government have the biggest impact on our criminal justice system and police practices. When we think about politics, a lot of us focus only on the presidency and the federal government. And yes, we should be fighting to make sure that we have a president, a Congress, a U.S. Justice Department, and a federal judiciary that actually recognize the ongoing, corrosive role that racism plays in our society and want to do something about it. But the elected officials who matter most in reforming police departments and the criminal justice system work at the state and local levels.

It’s mayors and county executives that appoint most police chiefs and negotiate collective bargaining agreements with police unions. It’s district attorneys and state’s attorneys that decide whether or not to investigate and ultimately charge those involved in police misconduct. Those are all elected positions. In some places, police review boards with the power to monitor police conduct are elected as well. Unfortunately, voter turnout in these local races is usually pitifully low, especially among young people — which makes no sense given the direct impact these offices have on social justice issues, not to mention the fact that who wins and who loses those seats is often determined by just a few thousand, or even a few hundred, votes.

So the bottom line is this: if we want to bring about real change, then the choice isn’t between protest and politics. We have to do both. We have to mobilize to raise awareness, and we have to organize and cast our ballots to make sure that we elect candidates who will act on reform.

Finally, the more specific we can make demands for criminal justice and police reform, the harder it will be for elected officials to just offer lip service to the cause and then fall back into business as usual once protests have gone away. The content of that reform agenda will be different for various communities. A big city may need one set of reforms; a rural community may need another. Some agencies will require wholesale rehabilitation; others should make minor improvements. Every law enforcement agency should have clear policies, including an independent body that conducts investigations of alleged misconduct. Tailoring reforms for each community will require local activists and organizations to do their research and educate fellow citizens in their community on what strategies work best.

But as a starting point, here’s a report and toolkit developed by the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights and based on the work of the Task Force on 21st Century Policing that I formed when I was in the White House. And if you’re interested in taking concrete action, we’ve also created a dedicated site at the Obama Foundation to aggregate and direct you to useful resources and organizations who’ve been fighting the good fight at the local and national levels for years.

I recognize that these past few months have been hard and dispiriting — that the fear, sorrow, uncertainty, and hardship of a pandemic have been compounded by tragic reminders that prejudice and inequality still shape so much of American life. But watching the heightened activism of young people in recent weeks, of every race and every station, makes me hopeful. If, going forward, we can channel our justifiable anger into peaceful, sustained, and effective action, then this moment can be a real turning point in our nation’s long journey to live up to our highest ideals.

Let’s get to work.

Statement by President George W. Bush
June 2, 2020

Laura and I are anguished by the brutal suffocation of George Floyd and disturbed by the injustice and fear that suffocate our country. Yet we have resisted the urge to speak out, because this is not the time for us to lecture. It is time for us to listen. It is time for America to examine our tragic failures – and as we do, we will also see some of our redeeming strengths.

It remains a shocking failure that many African Americans, especially young African American men, are harassed and threatened in their own country. It is a strength when protesters, protected by responsible law enforcement, march for a better future. This tragedy — in a long series of similar tragedies — raises a long overdue question: How do we end systemic racism in our society? The only way to see ourselves in a true light is to listen to the voices of so many who are hurting and grieving. Those who set out to silence those voices do not understand the meaning of America — or how it becomes a better place.

America’s greatest challenge has long been to unite people of very different backgrounds into a single nation of justice and opportunity. The doctrine and habits of racial superiority, which once nearly split our country, still threaten our Union. The answers to American problems are found by living up to American ideals — to the fundamental truth that all human beings are created equal and endowed by God with certain rights. We have often underestimated how radical that quest really is, and how our cherished principles challenge systems of intended or assumed injustice. The heroes of America — from Frederick Douglass, to Harriet Tubman, to Abraham Lincoln, to Martin Luther King, Jr. — are heroes of unity. Their calling has never been for the fainthearted. They often revealed the nation’s disturbing bigotry and exploitation — stains on our character sometimes difficult for the American majority to examine. We can only see the reality of America’s need by seeing it through the eyes of the threatened, oppressed, and disenfranchised.

That is exactly where we now stand. Many doubt the justice of our country, and with good reason. Black people see the repeated violation of their rights without an urgent and adequate response from American institutions. We know that lasting justice will only come by peaceful means. Looting is not liberation, and destruction is not progress. But we also know that lasting peace in our communities requires truly equal justice. The rule of law ultimately depends on the fairness and legitimacy of the legal system. And achieving justice for all is the duty of all.

This will require a consistent, courageous, and creative effort. We serve our neighbors best when we try to understand their experience. We love our neighbors as ourselves when we treat them as equals, in both protection and compassion. There is a better way — the way of empathy, and shared commitment, and bold action, and a peace rooted in justice. I am confident that together, Americans will choose the better way.


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